Nirmalendu Goon: In the post-independence era, which date in Bengali national life do you consider to be the dearest, most significant, and most inspiring in terms of revolutionary spirit?
Munier Choudhury: (He uttered with deep reverence) Ekushey February
Nirmalendu Goon: Was the 21st of February a struggle to protect cultural rights, or to reclaim them?
Munier Choudhury: Not merely to protect, but to reclaim as well.
Nirmalendu Goon: Do you think this struggle was limited solely to the question of language and culture, or was the question of the political and economic emancipation of the Bengalis also intertwined with it?
Munier Choudhury: The true nature of this movement was such, or rather it had escalated to a stage, that it subsequently brought the issue of our political rights and economic emancipation into sharp focus, using the cultural question as its very foundation. Furthermore, political rights, economic emancipation, and cultural freedom—these three issues are so deeply intertwined that it is neither possible nor appropriate to view any of them in isolation.
Nirmalendu Goon: But seeing the participation of the common people, educated and uneducated alike, in this language movement, did you ever feel that the demand for economic emancipation behind it was louder than the issue of language?
Munier Choudhury: (He thought for a moment, the fingers of his right hand playing aimlessly across his forehead and face for a while—then he said in a very firm voice,) – Yes. I have always felt that the expansion of the movement centered around language leading up to the climax of the 21st of February, 1952, and the fervent participation of the youth from impoverished and decaying middle-class families—behind all of this, economic mismanagement was largely responsible. He then retracted the word 'largely' and stated again with even greater emphasis—one could say it was the root cause. He pointed out that the participation of the middle class in this language movement is, for various reasons, particularly significant.
Humayun Kabir: So, we can consider the question of economic emancipation to be at the forefront of the Language Movement's agenda.
Nirmalendu Goon: When and where were you arrested?
Munier Choudhury: I do not remember the exact date—most likely, the police arrested me early in the morning on the 24th of February from the residence at 27 Nilkhet.
Humayun Kabir: Was this the first time you were arrested?
Munier Choudhury: (He smiled; it seemed to me that at that moment he was reflecting on many things from the past) No, I was arrested for the first time on June 3, 1949.
Nirmalendu Goon: The charge?
Munier Choudhury: I was involved with the Railway Workers' Union at that time. The railway workers were then preparing for a strike to secure their demands. Perhaps that is why I was arrested. (In the context of the railway workers, we heard about Somen Chanda from him—Somen Chanda had also been involved with the Railway Workers' Union at one time. By then, of course, Somen Chanda was no longer alive. This young literary activist of Dhaka was assassinated at the hands of communal fascists.)
Nirmalendu Goon: You were once a political activist who believed in Marxism. When you wrote the play Kabar while in prison, did you envision steering the movement on the outside toward building a socialist society?
Munier Choudhury: In reality, I no longer had any connection with the Communist Party at that time. Ever since 1948, I had come to the realization that direct politics was not my field.
Nirmalendu Goon: In other words, as an educator and writer, you confined your activities to the cultural movement.
Munier Choudhury: Primarily, yes.
Nirmalendu Goon: You were a student then. You delivered a speech at the first student gathering held on the university campus on December 6, 1947, against the language conspiracy—do you remember what you said there?
Munier Choudhury: I had almost forgotten the incident. I learned about it after reading Badruddin Umar's Purbo Banglar Bhasha Andolon O Totkalin Rajniti (The Language Movement of East Bengal and Contemporary Politics)—but despite trying hard, I cannot recall exactly what I said word for word. However, the message must certainly have been 'the right to language and culture must be granted'—'we demand Bengali as a state language'—it was all of this. Our argument was that fighting for Bengali was, in fact, a fight for democracy itself.
Nirmalendu Goon: Do you remember any incident that comes to mind whenever you recall the memories of the 21st—even if it is deeply personal—that carries a new significance, that hasn't been discussed anywhere, and which, despite being very personal, transcends the individual?
Munier Choudhury: (He thought for a while) Nothing like that comes to mind; I only remember that I had just started teaching at the university back then—I used to ride my bicycle to class. I was returning home after an eleven o'clock class. While still on the bicycle, the sound of tear gas shells reached my ears—instead of going home, I wanted to turn back toward the university. But as I went along the road, I saw the entire path was empty, tense, with EPR vehicles moving back and forth—boys were hurling bricks and stones from the university building. It was the absolute prelude to opening fire. A police sergeant stopped me along with my bicycle—‘Bhago hiyase’ (Get out of here). I got angry and tried to say—‘I am a varsity teacher.’ It sounded meaningless to the ignorant policeman's ears. A policeman struck me from behind with a baton—I fell to the ground. Today, recalling the events of that day, I am reminded of Dr. Zoha. Zoha could not endure it—and because he couldn't, he had to pay with his life. The police had me get back on my bicycle, gave me a shove from behind, and let me go—I wanted to go to the VC to complain, but on my way there, I heard the sound of gunshots. The very next moment, the news of the students being killed spread, next to which my own incident felt utterly meaningless.
[Hearing about the police brutality, Humayun became somewhat agitated; he immediately urged Munier Choudhury to demand appropriate punishment for the killers of Dr. Zoha and requested me to record this information carefully.]
Nirmalendu Goon: With all due respect to the martyrs of Ekushey, I must say—I feel that Asad is the first politically conscious martyr in our country. None of those who were martyred on the 21st were politically conscious—do you agree with this, or do you recall anyone among them being politically conscious?
Munier Choudhury: I don't quite recall anyone like that—but speaking of a politically conscious martyr, Asad is indeed the one who comes to mind. In this context, he also mentioned the name of the martyr Abdul Malek and lamented, saying, "I believe that many more people were martyred on the 21st of February. An authentic record of the martyrs should be prepared."
Nirmalendu Goon: Those who opposed you by discovering Hindu interference and vested interests in the Ekushey Language Movement—do you believe they are still engaged in distorting Bengali culture and literature in the name of religion even today? Are you vigilant against them?
Munier Choudhury: They certainly exist, and like many others, I am vigilant against them. Although their voices are much weaker than before, they still occupy many high-ranking positions at the government level. Therefore, everyone should remain alert against them.
Nirmalendu Goon: Bangla Academy has decided to name its literary award the 'Ekushey February Literary Award'. Do you consider this a positive step, and do you support the demands being raised to change the names of the awards administered by industrial conglomerates like Adamjee, Dawood, and others, or to boycott these awards altogether?
Munier Choudhury: It may be a positive step, but I do not consider it to be a major one. For example, one could point out that the Bengali Development Board, in an effort to garner public support, decided to award the Ekushey compilation—they invited Rabindra Sangeet singers and presented them with awards.
Nirmalendu Goon: In other words, you believe that many are changing their colors to suit the times!
Munier Choudhury: That is exactly why I was saying—as long as we cannot reject the prevailing system in our social life, we cannot reach a final conclusion on any matter.
(Regarding the Adamjee and Dawood awards, he said that without a radical change in the social system, boycotting them does not make much sense. Because merely changing a name is not the main issue. He acknowledged that literary value was never upheld in the Adamjee Award; apart from the writer's financial gain, it amounts to nothing else. There is no glory in receiving this award. If a writer boycotts the award, he would respect them. It depends on the writer's philosophy of life. Unless someone is a political activist, he has no objection to any writer accepting any domestic award. During the conversation, he mentioned,) In the very first year the Adamjee Award was introduced, a decision was made to award Alauddin Al-Azad for his poetry. Alauddin Al-Azad was in prison at the time—because the police report was against Azad, the then authorities of the Writers' Guild ultimately gave the Adamjee Award to a communal writer like Rashid Karim. Out of fear of political trouble, my Kabar was not given the Adamjee Award either. Therefore, it can be said that there is no honor other than financial gain in accepting awards like the Adamjee and others.
Nirmalendu Goon: Do you support the demand for the abolition of the Press Trust?
Munier Choudhury: It is difficult to judge any institution purely from an institutional perspective—there is no institution that can be considered completely flawless. The real question here lies in the management. I do not believe in condemning Dainik Pakistan simply because it is a newspaper of the Press Trust.
Nirmalendu Goon: Haven't some newspapers of the Trust played a communal role and acted against Bengali interests and culture?
Munier Choudhury: I acknowledge that, but at the same time, one must also think about other newspapers that wear the mask of the people—considering all this, the Press Trust cannot be solely blamed. (Mentioning an English daily that is not affiliated with the Trust, he added,) This newspaper has consistently played an anti-people role and continues to engage in anti-people activities even now.
Nirmalendu Goon: Dr. Enamul Haq has issued a statement condemning the launching of Jahangirnagar University without Bengali. Do you also think, like him, that this is nothing but a disguised communal and anti-cultural conspiracy?
Munier Choudhury: I completely agree with Dr. Enamul Haq, and I know that this is pre-planned. The word 'Muslim' will also be dropped from this university, and Bengali will be introduced in full swing.
Nirmalendu Goon: Recently, the poet Jasimuddin supported the BNR through a statement in the newspaper—yet public opinion is demanding its abolition. What is your take on this?
Munier Choudhury: It is very unfortunate that for quite some time now, Mr. Jasimuddin has been doing many things (perhaps old age might also be a factor) that can by no means be called positive or healthy. This statement merely proves that Mr. Jasimuddin belongs to the sycophantic coterie of the BNR director. The attitude expressed in his statement, which seeks to demean the widely respected writers of the country, is reprehensible.
Nirmalendu Goon: So that is your view regarding Mr. Jasimuddin's statement, much like many others—but I would like to know your opinion about the BNR.
Munier Choudhury: I have no institutional grievance against any organization, unless that organization carries out anti-people and reactionary activities. My contention against the BNR is that the responsibility for its management has, for the most part, been entrusted to dishonest individuals—
Nirmalendu Goon: And it still is.
Munier Choudhury: Yes, I am not talking about the abolition of the BNR either—nor am I talking about the removal of its director. My demand is that there needs to be a proper accounting and remedy for the wastage and intentionally biased activities that the BNR has been carrying out for so long using government funds.
Nirmalendu Goon: You are surely aware of the unjustified funds the BNR has allocated in the name of literature and culture—promoting communalism, religious bigotry, and publishing books by many writers whose works do not even qualify as literature?
Munier Choudhury: I know, and precisely because I know, I believe an investigation into this has become essential. I know there are unknown and obscure writers whose works do not sell in the market, yet the BNR suddenly found the light of Islam in those books and honored the writers by republishing them in exchange for large sums of money. Therefore, I have no doubt about its orchestrated anti-people role.
Nirmalendu Goon: Do you remember the first founding anniversary event of the Bangla Academy?
Munier Choudhury: Yes, the United Front government had been formed in the country then. I had just come out of prison, yet I was not invited. I went as far as the gates of the Bangla Academy, hoping that someone would surely come forward and take me in, but no one came, and I returned. (We all burst into laughter then, and he joined in too.)
Humayun Kabir: Do you think there was any ulterior motive behind this—or were there others besides you who also did not receive an invitation?
Munier Choudhury: I do not know about everyone. However, I remember that besides me, Ranesh Dasgupta and Sardar Fazlul Karim also did not receive an invitation.
(Our discussion was getting quite prolonged. He was telling me to come another day—by then it had gotten very late at night. Although I had a few more questions to ask, having no other option, I asked him my final question.)
Nirmalendu Goon: As a consequence of the desired political changes in the country, if a cordial relationship is established with neighboring West Bengal, are you considering taking any initiative to jointly convene a literary conference?
Munier Choudhury: It is not possible for me to make any comment on this matter right now. However, as a Bengali-speaking individual—my respect for the notable writers of this language is, for obvious reasons, immense. But any initiative for such a literary conference is possible only after political changes. Not merely because of the changed political situation—the demand I had been making even prior to this is that no matter what the political relationship between the two Bengals might be, it should not become a hindrance to the development of our literature and culture. Books written in Bengali, films, and songs are all essential for the development of our culture and literature; politics must not stand as an obstacle to the exchange of words. And I believe that if a cordial relationship is established, there will be no shortage of organizers.
Source: Edited by Anisuzzaman, Munier Choudhury Collected Works 1, Anyaprokash.
[Note: November 27 marks the birth centenary of the martyred Munier Choudhury. On his birthday, 'Akhra' remembers this prominent writer and thinker of Bangladesh and the Bengali language with profound respect. For the readers of 'Akhra', today we present an interview of Munier Choudhury.]